02 Sep
02Sep
  • Trump extends visa ban until March 31

 Restriction on green card applicants, H-1B visa holders; court sides with him on health insurance rule President Donald Trump on Thursday extended pandemic-related bans on green cards and work visas to large groups of applicants through March 31, while a federal appeals court sided with him on a rule that requires new immigrants to have their own health insurance. The twin developments on the final day of 2020 encapsulated how Mr. Trump has made U.S. immigration policy more restrictive without support from Congress. Biden’s promise President-elect Joe Biden has promised to undo many of Mr. Trump’s actions but it is unclear how quickly and even Federal judges have limited the impact of the pandemic-related visa bans, which were set to expire on Thursday. Mr. Biden, who is now forced to decide when and whether to lift them after taking office January 20, doesn’t specifically address the issue in his immigration platform. Mr. Biden also doesn’t directly address the health-insurance requirement in his platform. In April, Mr. Trump imposed a ban on green cards issued abroad that largely targets family members of people already in the U.S. After a surprisingly chilly reception from immigration hawks, the administration went much further in June by adding H-1B visas, which are widely used by American and Indian technology company workers and their families; H2B visas for nonagricultural seasonal workers; J-1 visas for cultural exchanges; and L-1 visas for managers and other key employees of multinational corporations. Mr. Trump said the measures would protect American jobs in a pandemic-wracked economy, while business groups said they would hamper a recovery. “The effects of COVID-19 on the U.S. labour market and on the health of American communities is a matter of ongoing national concern,” Mr. Trump’s proclamation on Thursday read. On asylum-seekers By contrast, the administration’s edict to immediately expel asylum-seekers and others who cross the border illegally from Mexico was justified on grounds of containing the coronavirus, though reporting by The Associated Press and others found that government scientists saw no evidence for it. A temporary ban on non-essential travel across the Mexican and Canadian borders was also done for public health. In its ruling issued on Thursday, a 9th Circuit Court of Appeals panel voted 2-1 to clear the way for Mr. Trump’s requirement that immigrants have health insurance. New immigrants must demonstrate they can obtain coverage within 30 days and pay their medical expenses. A Federal Judge blocked the rule from taking effect almost immediately after it was announced in October 2019. Judge Daniel P. Collins, a Trump appointee, wrote that the President acted within his authority, relying largely on the Supreme Court’s ruling that upheld Mr. Trump’s travel ban on several predominantly Muslim countries. He was joined by Judge Jay Bybee, who was appointed by President George W. Bush. Judge A. Wallace Tashima, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, dissented, calling the policy “a major overhaul of this nation’s immigration laws without the input of Congress — a sweeping and unprecedented exercise of unilateral Executive power.”

  •  3 states, 3 anti-conversion laws: what’s similar, what’s different

 While a common feature of all three laws is the declaration of such marriages as “null and void” and the penalising of conversions done without the prior approval of the state, they differ in the quantum of punishment prescribed and other things. The Madhya Pradesh government is set to follow two other BJP-ruled states — Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh — in passing an anti-conversion law that outlaws religious conversion solely for the purpose of marriage. The MP Cabinet has approved the Freedom to Religion Bill, 2020 as an Ordinance. While a common feature of all three laws is the declaration of such marriages as “null and void” and the penalising of conversions done without the prior approval of the state, they differ in the quantum of punishment prescribed, and in attributing the burden of proof that a conversion is lawful. Also, the MP law seeks to protect the rights of Prior notice The MP law requires a 60-day prior “declaration of the intention to convert” to the District Magistrate for conversion to be valid, following which a couple from different religions can be legally married. The Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religious Ordinance, 2020 promulgated in November, too requires a 60-day notice but also requires the Magistrate to conduct a police inquiry to ascertain the real intention behind the conversion. The Himachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, 2019 that came into effect last week, requires a 30-day prior “declaration of intention to convert”. Who can investigate Section 4 of the MP law states that there cannot be an investigation by a police officer except on the written complaint of the person converted or the person’s parents/siblings. Guardians of the person converted can file a complaint only with the permission of a court. The MP law also says that no police officer below the rank of a sub-inspector can investigate an offence under the law. The Himachal law says that prosecution cannot be initiated without the prior sanction of an officer not below the rank of a sub-divisional magistrate. The UP law allows the same people as allowed by the MP law to file a complaint. Burden of proof The MP law places on the person converted the burden of proving that the conversion was done without any coercion or illegality. The Himachal law has a similar provision. The UP law goes further, placing this burden of proof on people who “caused” or “facilitated” the conversion and not on the individual. Even in the police inquiry, if the Magistrate is not satisfied, criminal action under Section 11 of the Ordinance can be initiated against persons who “caused” the conversion. This includes those who committed the offence; omitted to act and prevent the offence; and aided, abetted, counselled or procured people for committing the offence. Maintenance & inheritance While declaring as “null and void” any marriage in which either the husband or the wife has converted, even consensual, unless they have given prior notice to the state government, MP’s new law at the same time seeks to protect the right of women and her child from the “null and void” marriage. Under Section 9, the woman whose marriage has been declared null and void under this legislation, and her children, will have a right to maintenance. The law does not, however, provide a recourse for ensuring the marriage can be protected subsequently. either the UP nor the Himachal law has such provisions. The offence of illegal conversion under the laws of all three states is cognisable and non-bailable, which means an arrest can be made without a warrant and bail is granted only by the discretion of the judge. Under the MP law, a person can be sentenced to a jail term between one and five years for converting or attempting to convert unlawfully. If the person converted is a woman, a minor or a person belonging to a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST), the sentence is two to 10 years. It also provides for a jail term of three to 10 years for concealing one’s religion during the marriage. The UP law provides for a minimum punishment of one year, which can be extended up to five years, and repeat offences can carry double the maximum sentence. Men are awarded a higher punishment if convicted of causing conversion of a woman, a minor or a person belonging to an SC/ST — in which case the sentence is between two and 10 years. In the Himachal law, a person can be sentenced to a jail term of one to five years for converting or attempting to convert unlawfully. If the person converted is a woman, a minor or a person belonging to an SC/ST, the sentence is two to seven years. The laws earlier At least 10 states including MP and Himachal Pradesh already have anti-conversion laws. The key difference in the new laws is that they seek to criminalise conversions solely for the purpose of marriage. The MP Ordinance repeals the Madhya Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, 1968. While that too criminalised forced conversion, the new law adds provisions relating to conversion during marriage, maintenance rights, and reversal of the burden of proof by placing it on the accused. Himachal passed its law in 2019, repealing the Himachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, 2006. While the 2019 law has added provisions related to conversions for the purpose of marriage, the aspect of prior declaration before the district magistrate existed in the 2006 law as well. Incidentally, the High Court had struck down the prior notice provisions as unconstitutional and violative of the fundamental right to privacy. In 2019, a report by the UP State Law Commission recommended a special law to address incidents of forced conversion. In a draft Bill, submitted along with the report, the Commission recommended penalising fraudulent conversions, including conversions solely for the purpose of marriage. The Ordinance was promulgated subsequently. 

  • Assam throws a lifeline to its only Ramsar site

 Authorities ban community fishing in Deepor Beel to prevent over-exploitation The Kamrup (Metropolitan) district administration has prohibited community fishing in Deepor Beel, a wetland on the south-western edge of Guwahati and Assam’s only Ramsar site. The prohibition order under Section 144 of the Cr.P.C. underlines the possibility of community fishing on January 3 and will remain beyond the mid-January Magh or Bhogali Bihu that is preceded by mass fishing in many parts of the State. “Some people from the villages around and adjoining Deepor Beel Wildlife Sanctuary such as Keotpara, Mikirpara, Paspara, Azara, Tetelia, in tandem with people from various fringe parts of Guwahati city are likely to venture out to organise community fishing on January 3 and even after that,” said the order from Deputy Commissioner of Police (West), Guwahati. “And whereas such ventures are absolutely illegal under the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, which will also cause irreparable as well as irretrievable damage to the ecosystem of the sanctuary as presented by the divisional forest officer (Guwahati Wildlife Division),” the order effective from January 1-31 added. Shrinking in size Officials said the order was necessary to prevent fishing, excavation and construction in and around the wetland that has been shrinking over the years. Deepor Beel was designated a Ramsar site in 2002 for sustaining a range of aquatic life forms besides 219 species of birds. A Ramsar site is a wetland designated to be of international importance under the Convention on Wetlands on February 2, 1971, in the Iranian city of Ramsar. According to hydrological experts, the area of the wetland was about 6,000 hectares in the late 1980s. Satellite imagery has revealed that its area has shrunk by at least 35% since 1991. “One of the reasons is that it is losing connectivity with small rivers such as Kalmoni, Khonajan and Basistha that used to flow via the Mora Bharalu channel through Guwahati,” said Bibhav Talukdar of green group Aaranyak. Expansion of the city, encroachment upon the natural channels through Guwahati and from the hills around, and a municipal waste dump at Boragaon almost on the edge of the wetland were the other factors, he added. 

  • EXPLAINED - Digital Services Tax

Recently, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) published a report concluding that the 2% digital services tax (DST) introduced by the Indian government ( by the 2020 Finance Act) discriminates against US businesses and contravenes settled principles of international tax law. The DST is aimed at ensuring that non-resident, digital service providers pay their fair share of tax on revenues generated in the Indian digital market. India’s 2% DST is levied on revenues generated from digital services offered in India, including digital platform services, digital content sales, and data-related services. As the digital economy is increasingly becoming a separate sector of the economy itself, developed countries like the US (where the majority of digital service providers come from) must understand that it would be now difficult to ringfence the digital economy from the rest of the economy for tax purposes. Note: ▪ India was one of the first countries in the world to introduce a 6% equalization levy in 2016, but the levy was restricted to online advertisement services (commonly known as “digital advertising taxes” or “DATs”). ▪ In March 2020, it expanded the scope of the existing equalization levy to a range of digital services that includes ecommerce platforms. Any payment made by non-residents in connection with an Indian user will now attract a 2% levy. Concerns Raised by USTR & Counterclaim ▪ The USTR conducted an investigation under section 301 of the US Trade Act, 1974, which authorizes it to appropriately respond to a foreign country’s action that is discriminatory and negatively affects US commerce. ▪ The USTR report found the DST to be discriminatory on two counts. First, it states that the DST discriminates against US digital businesses because it specifically excludes from its ambit domestic (Indian) digital businesses. Second, according to the report, the DST does not extend to identical services provided by non-digital service providers. ▪ However, India clarified that the DST itself in no way discriminates based on the size of operations or nationality. o It may predominantly appear that DST is applicable to US companies because the market for digital services is dominated by US-based firms. o Further, any company that has a permanent residence in India is excluded since it is already subject to tax in India.▪ Prolonged International Tax Law Negotiation: The agenda to reform international tax law so that digital companies are taxed where economic activities are carried out was formally framed within the OECD’s base erosion and profit shifting program. o However, seven years since its inception, it is still a work in progress. o Due to this, countries are worried that they might cede their right to tax incomes. Therefore, many countries have either proposed or implemented a digital services tax. Note: ▪ Base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS) refers to tax avoidance strategies that exploit gaps and mismatches in tax rules to artificially shift profits to low or no-tax locations. ▪ Changing International Economic Order: The proliferation of digital service taxes (DSTs) is a symptom of the changing international economic order. o Countries such as India which provide large markets for digital corporations seek a greater right to tax incomes. ▪ Asymmetrical Digital Power: The taxation of the digitaliized economy turned out to be a relatively contentious issue because there is a huge asymmetry in digital service providers and consumers. o Further, a redistribution of taxing rights can have significant revenue implications for countries like India and the US. This makes a consensus-based solution harder to achieve. o Thus, countries claim that the exponential increase of the digital economy and the digitalization of the traditional economy require the adoption of new tax rules. Associated Concerns With DST ▪ Eventually Burdening Digital Consumers: Experts suggest that DST can be passed on to consumers. While the Indian customer may not pay this as a tax, this could mean higher prices, contrary to the claim that it taxes the company. ▪ Retaliatory Tariffs: The USTR investigations could pose a threat of retaliatory tariffs, as similar tariffs were imposed by the US on France. o Further, it could turn into a digital trade war-like scenario and could harm India’s Information and communication technology industry. ▪ Double Taxation: This was severely criticized by many countries as a unilateral measure that would result in double taxation. Way Forward ▪ New Model of Digital Taxation: The core problem that the international tax reform seeks to address is that digital corporations, unlike their brick-and-mortar counterparts, can operate in a market without a physical presence. o Therefore, taxing in a particular jurisdiction may not augur well with the growth of the digital economy. o To overcome this challenge, countries suggested that a new basis to tax, say, the number of users in a country, could address the challenge to some extent. o The EU and India were among the advocates of this approach. o Moreover, it would also require political consensus on multiple issues, including sensitive matters such as setting up of an alternative dispute resolution process comparable to arbitration. Expediting Multilateral Negotiations: While the digital economy and its implications continue to evolve, the multilateral solution at the level of the OECD must be expedited. Conclusion As countries calibrate their response to competing demands for sovereignty to tax, DST is an interim alternative outside tax treaties. It possesses the advantage of taxing incomes that currently escape tax and creates space to negotiate a final, overarching solution to this conundrum. 

  • Paswan, Gogoi to get Padma Bhushan

 1971 Bangladesh war veteran Lt. Col. Quazi Sajjad Ali Zahid will get Padma Shri Legendary singer S.P. Balasubrahmanyam, who died last year, will get the Padma Vibushan, the second highest civilian award in the country, posthumously. Former Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe, Islamic scholar Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, cardiologist B.M. Hegde and B.B. Lal, the archaeologist who claimed to have discovered temple remains at Ayodhya, will also get the Padma Vibhushan, the Union Home Ministry announced on the eve of Republic Day. Singer K.S. Chithra, former Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan, Nripendra Misra, former Principal Secretary to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and former Chairman of the National Commission for Minorities Tarlochan Singh are among the 10 Padma Bhushan recipients. No film stars, cricketers The Padma Bhushan will be conferred posthumously on former Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi, former Union Minister Ram Vilas Paswan, former Gujarat Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel and Shia cleric Kalbe Sadiq. The 1971 Bangladesh war veteran Lt.Col. Quazi Sajjad Ali Zahid and Bangladeshi artist Sanjida Khatun will get the Padma Shri. No film stars or cricketers were named this year. Rajni Bector of Mrs Bector’s Food Specialities, a Punjab-based company making biscuits and bakery products and whose initial public offering was oversubscribed last year, has been selected for the Padma Shri. Sangkhumi Bualchhuak from Mizoram will be given the Padma Shri in the social work category. Sindhutai Sapkal from Maharashtra, known to help orphans, will get the Padma Shri. Professor C.L Sapru from Jammu and Kashmir, who died last year, will get the Padma Shri posthumously. 

  • U.S. vows support to Taiwan as Chinese incursions enter Day 2 

Aircraft carrier enters South China Sea to promote ‘freedoms of the seas’ A total of 15 Chinese aircraft, including 12 fighter jets, entered the southwestern corner of Taiwan’s air defence identification zone on Sunday, the island’s Defence Ministry said, the second day of incursions by China. A map provided by the Ministry showed the Chinese aircraft again flew in between the southern part of Taiwan and the Taiwan-controlled Pratas Islands in the South China Sea. ‘Intimidation’ bid The U.S. State Department has said it was concerned by China’s “pattern of ongoing attempts to intimidate its neighbours, including Taiwan.” “We urge Beijing to cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure against Taiwan and instead engage in meaningful dialogue with Taiwan’s democratically elected representatives,” Ned Price, a spokesman for the department, said in the statement. The State Department statement said Washington will continue to deepen ties with Taiwan and ensure its defence from Chinese threats, while supporting a peaceful resolution of issues between the sides. Meanwhile, a U.S. aircraft carrier group led by the USS Theodore Roosevelt has entered the South China Sea “to ensure freedom of the seas, build partnerships that foster maritime security”, the U.S. military said on Sunday. Taiwan’s Defense Ministry said China on Saturday sent eight bombers capable of carrying nuclear weapons and four fighter jets into its air defence identification zone just southwest of the island. The Ministry said China on Sunday sent another 15 military aircraft of various types into the same area. Missiles deployed The Ministry said Taiwan responded by scrambling fighters, broadcasting warnings by radio and “deploying air defence missile systems to monitor the activity.” There was no immediate Chinese response. The overflights were part of a long-standing pattern of incursions aimed at pressuring the government of President Tsai Ing-wen into caving to Beijing’s demand that she recognise Taiwan as a part of Chinese territory. This comes on the heels of U.S. President Joe Biden’s inauguration, emphasising the island’s enduring position amidst a host of divisive issues between Beijing and Washington that also include human rights, trade disputes and, most recently, questions about China’s initial response to the pandemic. India-China hold Military Talks Ninth round of Corps Commander-level meeting is under way at Moldo The ninth round of Corps Commander-level talks between India and China were under way on Sunday at the Moldo border personnel meeting point on the Chinese side opposite Chushul in Eastern Ladakh as both sides attempt to work out a phased disengagement and de-escalation plan to end the nine-month stand-off. A defence official said the talks began at 10 a.m. Talks were still on at the time of going to print. Disengagement plan Officials said a broad disengagement plan had been worked out but it was held up over some issues. Both sides would attempt to work that out at the talks, a second official said. This was the reason for the delay in scheduling the ninth round of talks. The eighth round was held in November last year. It has to be a comprehensive disengagement plan beginning with all friction points in Eastern Ladakh and then de-escalation along the Line of Actual Control, the second official said, referring to China’s insistence on discussions centred on the South Bank of Pangong Tso first and taking up other friction areas later. The Indian delegation is led by Lt. Gen. PGK Menon, General Officer Commanding of the 14 Corps, and includes Naveen Srivastava, Additional Secretary (East Asia) from the External Affairs Ministry. A Ministry representative has been part of the previous few rounds of talks as well. The delegation includes two Major Generals and two Brigadiers, and Deepam Seth, Inspector-General, North West Frontier, Indo-Tibetan Border Police. Officials have stated on several occasions that any withdrawal will be phased and will take time, given the large number of troops and equipment deployed by both sides and also verify compliance on the ground by the Chinese side at each step. The talks are guided by the five-point-plan for disengagement and de-escalation agreed to by External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, in Moscow on September 10 last year. After the sixth round of talks on September 21, both sides for the first time issued a joint statement agreeing. 

  • Explained: When Parliament passed Bills but govt did not give effect to those laws 

Over the years, Parliament has repealed several laws — and there have also been precedents of the government not bringing a law into force for several years after it has been passed. In the ongoing stalemate between protesting farmers and the Centre, the government has repeated its offer of keeping the three contentious farm laws on hold for one to one-and-a-half years, while the farmers have rejected the offer and insisted that the laws be repealed. Over the years, Parliament has repealed several laws — and there have also been precedents of the government not bringing a law into force for several years after it has been passed. Bringing/removing a law Parliament has the power to make a law and to remove it from the statute books (a law can be struck down by the judiciary if it is unconstitutional). But the passing of a Bill does not mean that it will start working from the next day. There are three more steps for it to become a functioning law. The first step is the President giving his or her assent to the Bill. Then the law comes into effect from a particular date. And finally, the government frames the rules and regulations to make the law operational on the ground. The completion of these steps determines when the law becomes functional. The first step is the simplest. Article 111 of the Constitution specifies that the President can either sign off on the Bill or withhold his consent. The President rarely withholds their assent to a Bill. The last time it happened was in 2006 when President A P J Abdul Kalam refused to sign a Bill protecting MPs from disqualification for holding an office of profit. A Bill is sent to Parliament for reconsideration if the President withholds his or her assent on it. And if Parliament sends it back to the President, he or he has no choice but to approve it. Most Bills receive the President’s approval in a few days. President Ram Nath Kovind signed the three farm Bills into law within a week of their passing in September 2020. In 1986, President Zail Singh made use of a loophole in the Constitution. A Bill criticised for violating the privacy of personal correspondence was sent to him for approval seven months before the end of his term. The Constitution does not specify a time limit for the President to approve a Bill. So President Singh decided not to take any action on the Bill until the end of his term. The next step is deciding the date on which the law comes into effect. In many cases, Parliament delegates to the government the power to determine this date. The Bill states that the law “shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint and different dates may be appointed for different provisions of this Act”. For example, Parliament passed the Recycling of Ships Act in December 2019. In October 2020, the government brought Section 3 of the law into force. This section empowers the government to designate an officer to supervise all ship recycling activities in India. Giving effect to a law There are also instances when the government does not bring a law into force for many years. Two examples are the National Environment Tribunal Act and the Delhi Rent Control Act, which Parliament passed during Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao’s tenure. The government never brought these laws into force, which were passed in 1995 and cleared by the President. The National Green Tribunal Act finally repealed the environmental tribunal law in 2010. And a Bill to repeal the Delhi Rent Control Act introduced in 2013 is still pending in Rajya Sabha. There are also multiple instances where a law specifies when it will come into effect. The 2013 land acquisition law put an outer limit of three months for the Centre to bring it into force after the President approved it. A Bill can also specify the exact date on which it will come into effect. Bills replacing ordinances sometimes do that. In such cases, the Bill sets the date on which the President signed the ordinance (since Parliament was not in session) as the day the law will come into force. For example, the law banning e-cigarettes came into effect from September 18, 2019 (Ordinance date) after Parliament passed the Bill to replace the Ordinance on December 2, 2019. Similarly, the three farm Bills replacing their ordinances came into force on June 5, 2020. Rules & regulations A Bill passed by Parliament is the outline of a law. For the law to start working on the ground, individuals need to be recruited or given the power, to administer it. The implementing ministry also needs to finalise forms to gather information and provide benefits or services. These day-to-day operational details are called rules and regulations. And Parliament gives the government the responsibility of making them. These regulations are critical for the functioning of law. If the government does not make rules and regulations, a law or parts of it will not get implemented. The Benami Transactions Act of 1988 is an example of a complete law remaining unimplemented in the absence of regulations. The law gave the government power to confiscate benami properties. For 25 years, such properties were immune from seizure in the absence of framing relevant government rules. The law was finally repealed in 2016 and replaced with a new one. Parliament has recommended that the government make rules within six months of passing a law. But parliamentary committees have observed that this recommendation is “being followed in breach by various ministries”. The government not only has the power to make rules but can also suppress rules made by it earlier. In the case of farm laws, the government has made some rules in October 2020. 

  • Why has Gujarat given American dragon fruit a Sanskrit name? 

 Dragon fruit Kamalam: Gujarat CM Vijay Rupani said calling it dragon fruit "does not sound appropriate" and they have decided to call it "Kamalam" as it has the shape of the lotus flower. Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani has said that the state proposes to rename dragon fruit as ‘Kamalam’. Dragon fruit “does not sound appropriate”, Rupani said; Kamalam was apt because the characteristic fuchsia ‘spikes’ or ‘petals’ of the fruit recall a lotus in bloom. What is dragon fruit? Dragon fruit is the fruit of a species of wild cactus indigenous to South and Central America, where it is called pitaya or pitahaya. The fruit’s flesh is usually white or red — although there is a less common yellow pitaya too — and is studded with tiny seeds rather like the kiwifruit. The world’s largest producer and exporter of dragon fruit is Vietnam, where the plant was brought by the French in the 19th century. The Vietnamese call it thanh long, which translates to “dragon’s eyes”, believed to be the origin of its common English name. Dragon fruit is also cultivated in — apart from its native Latin America — Thailand, Taiwan, China, Australia, Israel, and Sri Lanka. It was brought to India in the 1990s, and is grown in Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Odisha, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, and Andaman and Nicobar Islands. It grows in all kinds of soil, and does not require much water. Eating the dragon fruit To eat directly, halve the fruit and scoop out the flesh with a spoon. Or, cut the ends, pull off the leathery skin, and chop up the egg-shaped white flesh to eat. Dragon fruit can be made into smoothies or shakes. Despite its spectacular good looks, it has a mild, almost bland flavour, which makes it adaptable for a variety of sweet and savoury dishes from salads and relishes to cakes and tacos. In Latin America, pitaya juice is popular. Last year, a Ho Chi Minh City bakery made bread with dragon fruit that couldn’t be sold due to Covid-19 restrictions. The idea of renaming In his Mann Ki Baat broadcast on July 26 last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had lauded the farmers of Kutch for taking up cultivation of dragon fruit and adopting innovative practices, calling it “the very spirit of self-reliance”. On August 6, Ram Kumar, additional principal chief conservator of forests (social forestry) in the Gujarat forest department, forwarded to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) a proposal on renaming the fruit Kamalam. This, Kumar wrote, would “boost awareness and expansion”, “and contribute to reducing our import dependence in line with ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’”. Kamalam is also the name of the BJP headquarters in Koba in Gandhinagar, and the kamal — lotus — is the BJP’s election symbol. Rupani, however, said no politics was involved in the renaming. “Gujarat government has decided that dragon fruit is not a suitable word. Across the world it is known as dragon fruit and one thinks of China. So we have given the name Kamalam. It is a fruit like the lotus,” he said. Where the proposal stands ICAR sources said the Gujarat government’s proposal had been forwarded to the Union Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare. “ICAR does not do everything in this respect. ICAR is the recommending body. Whatever nomenclature, release of varieties, production, it is all done by the Department of Agriculture and Cooperation, the other wing, and not the research wing,” Dr A K Singh, ICAR’s deputy director general (agricultural extension), to whom Kumar’s proposal was addressed, said. ICAR officers said such a proposal would need approval from the Botanical Survey of India and the National Biodiversity Authority under the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. “Dragon fruit is not a species native to India and any change in its nomenclature in official annals can lead to international litigation. Hence, the opinion of BSI and NBA matters,” an ICAR official said. 

  • Israel rights group breaks taboo with ‘apartheid’ tag

  It slams treatment of Palestinians An Israeli non-governmental organisation has accused the Jewish state of “apartheid” in its treatment of Palestinians — a taboo-breaking move that has seen its representatives banned from speaking in schools. B’Tselem said it carefully weighed its decision to use the hugely emotive phrase but concluded that it was an accurate description of Israel’s attitude both to residents of the occupied Palestinian territories and to its own Arab citizens. “We cannot avoid the conclusion that it is a regime that is working to advance and cement the supremacy of one group of people — Jews — over Palestinians,” B’Tselem chief Hagai el-Ad said. “That is the textbook definition of an apartheid regime,” he added. “I agree that it is a strong word but we are not using it lightly.” Israel occupied the West Bank, including Arab east Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip in the Six-Day War of 1967. Today it is home to at least five million Palestinians defined by the United Nations as living under Israeli occupation. Arab Israelis — Palestinians who stayed on their land following the Jewish state's creation in 1948 and their descendants — make up about 20% of Israel’s roughly nine million people. By law they have rights equal to those of Jewish citizens, but they say that in practice they suffer discrimination in employment, housing, policing and other essentials.

  •  Explained - What is special about the Vistadome coach on the newly launched trains to Kevadia

 Vistadome is a state-of-the-art coach made by Indian Railways, designed to provide passengers with travel comfort as well as an enhanced viewing experience of their surroundings. Learn about its features here. On Sunday (January 17), Prime Minister Narendra Modi flagged off eight trains from different parts of the country to Kevadia in Narmada district, where the Statue of Unity is located, in a bid to attract tourism to this tribal belt. Out of these eight trains, the Janshatabdi Express from Ahmedabad-Kevadia has a Vistadome coach, which is gaining a lot of attention. What is a Vistadome coach? The Vistadome coach is a state-of-the-art coach made by Indian Railways, designed to provide passengers with travel comfort as well as an enhanced viewing experience of their surroundings. According to Indian Railway officials, the Vistadome coach in the Janshatabdi Express has been manufactured at the Integral Coach Factory in Chennai, Tamil Nadu. It is for the first time that the Vistadome coach has been made on the Linke Hofmann Busch (LHB) platform, made for passenger coaches for trains in India. What are the salient features of Vistadome? Some of the features of the Vistadome coach are an observation lounge with a large window for passengers to experience the scenic route to Kevadia. The 44 recliner-180 degree rotatable seats ensure people can enjoy the view from both windows to their right and left, there are automatic sliding doors at both gates of the coach, glass rooftops offer a panoramic view, while there are five large windows on each side. The coach also has foldable snack tables similar to what is provided in flights, seat numbers with Braille language, an in-built entertainment system integrated with digital display screens and speakers along with a GPS-based publicaddress-cum passenger information system, access to ‘content on demand’ for passengers through Wi Fi facility on their personal gadgets, a mini pantry with coffee maker, water cooler, hot oven and refrigerator, separate multi-tier luggage compartment, along with a separate cabin for train staff who will brief passengers regarding the coach in each ride.    Page 33 of 49 The coach will also have CCTV surveillance, fire alarm system and an LED destination board. How many seats does the Vistadome coach have? According to railway officials, there are as many as 44 recliner seats in the coach and the price is Rs 885 per reserved seat in the Janshatabdi Express, which is similar to the cost of a seat in the Executive Chair Car coach. How different is the travelling experience in Vistadome from regular Indian Railways coaches? The Indian Express spoke to passengers who travelled in the Vistadome coach in the Janshatabdi Express on Sunday. Among these was 45-year-old Mayur Vakani, actor who performs the role of ‘Sundar’ in the television serial ‘Tarak Mehta ka Ulta Chashma’. “I have travellled in trains of Europe and I must say that the Vistadome coach is not just at par with them, but has surpassed them when it comes to facilities. This is like travelling in an aeroplane on railway tracks. The ride was extremely smooth and I did not feel any vibration or movement when the train was at full speed,” said Vakani. Speaking to The Indian Express, an official of Western Railways said, “The salient feature of Vistadome is that it has air suspension spring riding comfort technology, which ensures passengers feel no tiredness at all during the journey. We encourage travellers to keep a glass full of water on the snacks table when the train is at full speed, and notice that the glass will be completely still.” What trains were launched to Kevadia? The eight trains are Kevadia-Varanasi (Mahamana Weekly Express) from Uttar Pradesh, Kevadia-Dadar (Dadar Kevadia Daily Express) from Mumbai Kevadia-Ahmedabad (Janshatabdi Daily Express), Kevadia-Hazrat Nizamuddin (Nizamuddin Kevadia Sampark Kranti Bi Weekly Express) from Delhi, Kevadiya-Rewa (Kevadia Rewa Weekly Express) from Madhya Pradesh, Kevadia-Chennai (Chennai Kevadia Weekly Express), Kevadia-Pratapnagar (MEMU Daily) and Pratapnagar-Kevadia (MEMU Daily) from Vadodara, all in presence of the states’ respective Chief Ministers, Union railway minister Piyush Goyal and Minister for External Affairs S Jaishankar. 

  • What is 5G and how prepared is India to adapt to this tech?

 5G or fifth generation is the latest upgrade in the long-term evolution (LTE) mobile broadband networks. 5G mainly works in 3 bands, namely low, mid and high frequency spectrum — all of which have their own uses as well as limitations. The Department of Telecommunications (DoT) has sought inputs from telcos and other industry experts on the sale and use of radio frequency spectrum over the next 10 years, including the 5G bands. What is 5G technology and how is it different? 5G or fifth generation is the latest upgrade in the long-term evolution (LTE) mobile broadband networks. 5G mainly works in 3 bands, namely low, mid and high frequency spectrum — all of which have their own uses as well as limitations. While the low band spectrum has shown great promise in terms of coverage and speed of internet and data exchange, the maximum speed is limited to 100 Mbps (Megabits per second). This means that while telcos can use and install it for commercial cellphone users who may not have specific demands for very high speed internet, the low band spectrum may not be optimal for specialised needs of the industry. The mid-band spectrum, on the other hand, offers higher speeds compared to the low band, but has limitations in terms of coverage area and penetration of signals. Telcos and companies, which have taken the lead on 5G, have indicated that this band may be used by industries and specialised factory units for building captive networks that can be moulded into the needs of that particular industry. The high-band spectrum offers the highest speed of all the three bands, but has extremely limited coverage and signal penetration strength. Internet speeds in the high-band spectrum of 5G has been tested to be as high as 20 Gbps (giga bits per second), while, in most cases, the maximum internet data speed in 4G has been recorded at 1 Gbps. Where does India stand in the 5G technology race? On par with the global players, India had, in 2018, planned to start 5G services as soon as possible, with an aim to capitalise on the better network speeds and strength that the technology promised All the three private telecom players, Reliance Jio Infocomm, Bharti Airtel and Vi, have been urging the DoT to lay out a clear road map of spectrum allocation and 5G frequency bands, so that they would be able to plan the roll out of their services accordingly. One big hurdle, however, is the lack of flow of cash and adequate capital with at least two of the three players, namely Bharti Airtel and Vodafone Idea. On the other hand, Reliance Jio plans to launch an indigenously built 5G network for the country as early as the second half of this year. The company is said to have a complete end-to-end 5G solution prepared by the company itself that is ready for deployment once the networks are in place. This solution can also be deployed by other telecom operators as a complete managed service. What is the global progress on 5G? More than governments, global telecom companies have started building 5G networks and rolling it out to their customers on a trial basis. In countries like the US, companies such as AT&T, T-mobile, and Verizon have taken the lead when it comes to rolling out commercial 5G for their users. While some such as AT&T had started testing and deploying the technology as early as 2018, other companies such as Verizon have followed suit, expanding their 5G ultra-wide broadband services to as many as 60 cities by the end of 2020. In other countries such as China, some of the telcos such as China Unicom had started 5G trials as early as 2018, and have since rolled out the commercial services for users. South Korean company Samsung, which had started researching on 5G technology way back in 2011, has, on the other hand, taken the lead when it comes to building the hardware for 5G networks for several companies. What is known so far about the post-vaccination deaths in Norway Twenty-nine people have died in Norway after being administered Pfizer’s vaccine against the novel coronavirus, Norwegian authorities have said. Twenty-nine people have died in Norway after being administered Pfizer’s vaccine against the novel coronavirus, Norwegian authorities have said. They added six deaths on Saturday to the number of those previously reported dead following inoculation. The new deaths lowered the age of those thought to have been affected to 75, from 80, multiple news reports said. Until Friday, the vaccine manufactured by Pfizer-BioNTech was the only one being administered in Norway, and “all deaths are thus linked to this vaccine,” the Norwegian Medicines Agency said, according to a Bloomberg report. Thirteen deaths have been assessed so far, and all the reported deaths are in “elderly people with serious basic disorders”, the report said, quoting the agency. Is this a serious concern? The Norwegian authorities are saying they are not worried as yet“We are not alarmed by this. It is quite clear that these vaccines have very little risk, with a small exception for the frailest patients,” Steinar Madsen, medical director with the agency, told Norwegian broadcaster NRK, the AP reported. That said, the Norwegian authorities have adjusted their advice on who should be administered the vaccine by giving individual doctors discretion to make this decision. The suggestion is that the vaccines may be risky for very old or terminally ill people. This, the Bloomberg report said, is “the most cautious statement yet from a European health authority”.    Page 32 of 49 The report said that in the judgment of the Norwegian Institute of Public Health now, “for those with the most severe frailty, even relatively mild vaccine side effects can have serious consequences”. Thus, “for those who have a very short remaining life span anyway, the benefit of the vaccine may be marginal or irrelevant”. Madsen, quoted in the AP report, said: “Doctors must now carefully consider who should be vaccinated. Those who are very frail and at the very end of life can be vaccinated after an individual assessment.” Were these problems unexpected? No. A mass vaccination campaign by definition involves a very large number of people — and as a general principle, some adverse events, which could include serious side effects and deaths, should be expected. What is critical is to determine whether the vaccine was responsible for the death. This can be complicated, and can take time to establish — doctors have to go through every case individually, and strike out all other potential causes first. Bloomberg quoted the Norwegian Medicines Agency: “The Norwegian Medicines Agency has communicated, prior to the vaccination, that when vaccinating the oldest and sickest, it is expected that deaths will occur in a time-related context with vaccination. This does not mean that there is a causal link between vaccination and death. We have also, in connection with the reported deaths, conveyed that it is possible that common and known side effects of the vaccines may have been a contributing factor to a serious course or fatal outcome.” Norway isn’t an outlier either. Side effects and fatalities have been reported in the United Kingdom and the United States as well. In India at the end of the second day of vaccinations on Sunday, the Union Health Ministry said adverse events following immunisation (AEFI) had been reported in 447 cases — less than 0.2% of the 2,24,301 beneficiaries from the priority group who had received first doses of the vaccine. Only three of these cases required hospitalisation, and two had been discharged already, the Ministry said. What is being done about this situation now? Pfizer and BioNTech are working with the Norwegian regulator to investigate the deaths. Bloomberg quoted Pfizer as saying that the Norwegian authorities have found that “the number of incidents so far is not alarming, and in line with expectations”. Earlier this week, Pfizer said it was also “actively investigating”, along with federal health officials in the United States, the death of a 56-year-old physician in Florida, who died a little over two weeks after receiving the vaccine. “[But] we don’t believe at this time that there is any direct connection to the vaccine,” The New York Times, which first reported the death, quoted Pfizer as saying in a statement. The European Medicines Agency, which assesses and supervises medicinal products in the European Union, has said that it would examine safety reports submitted by all companies authorised to supply vaccines to the EU every month, and that Pfizer’s report would be taken up later this month. . 

  • EXPLAINED - SAARC Revival 

The year 2020 marked the sixth year since the leaders of the eight nations that make up the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) were able to meet.India’s problems with Pakistan on terrorism, territorial claims, and its role in blocking SAARC initiatives on connectivity and trade are the main reasons that even after thirty-six years of its formation, SAARC appears to be a defunct body. However, if India aspires to become a global power, it must keep its neighbourhood peaceful, prosperous and supportive. In this context, reviving SAARC becomes very important. Need For Reviving SAARC ▪ Regional Disconnect: Over the past year, India-Pakistan issues have impacted other meetings of SAARC. This makes it easier for member countries and international agencies, to deal with South Asia as a fragmented group rather than a collective one. o No other regional power is as disconnected from its immediate neighbourhood as India. o This disconnect is a challenge to India’s economic and security interests. ▪ Impact of Covid-19: The impact of Covid-19, is a growing distaste for ‘globalisation’ and growing preference for nativism, self-dependence and localising supply chains. o While it will be impossible for countries to entirely cut themselves off from the global market, regional initiatives will become the golden mean between globalisation and hypernationalism. o Moreover, reviving SAARC is crucial to countering the common challenges brought about by the pandemic. o According to a World Bank report, the South Asian countries are expected to lose nearly about 10.77 million jobs and $52.32 billion in GDP alone from the impact of the pandemic. ▪ Dealing With China: It is clear that tensions with Pakistan and Nepal amplify the threat perception from China, while other SAARC members (minus Bhutan), all of whom are Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) partners of China will be hard placed to help individually. o Also, in the current pandemic, China is sending medicines, personal protective equipment kits, and promising vaccines to most SAARC countries as part of its “Health Silk Road” initiative. o Therefore, in dealing with China’s challenge, both at India’s borders and in its neighbourhood, a unified South Asian platform remains India’s most potent countermeasure. Way Forward ▪ Engaging With Pakistan: China’s incursions in Ladakh doesn’t stop India to attend meetings with the Chinese leadership at the SCO, the Russia-India-China trilateral, the G-20. o Therefore, it is misplaced that India applies the same logic, for not engaging with Pakistan. India must understand that engagement with Pakistan is very crucial for the revival of SAARC. ▪ Application of Gujral Doctrine: India’s conduct of foreign relations with immediate neighbours should be guided by the Gujral Doctrine. o In this present context of Covid-19 pandemic, India can apply Gujral doctrine by pursuing Vaccine diplomacy with SAARC countries, whereby India can supply vaccines either free or at affordable costs and counter future pandemics. ▪ All-of South Asia Approach: South Asian countries need to work as a collective to set common standards and promote a more intra-regional, transnational approach towards health security, food security, and job security. o In this context, India can follow the European model of regional integration. o Moreover, India can strengthen its position as an education hub for students from its neighbourhood. This will help to form closer political ties and spread its cultural influence and values to the surrounding region. ▪ Regional Development: Being the biggest economy in South Asia, India can carry out infrastructure projects to improve connectivity, including the laying of new pipelines, building electricity networks, upgrading port, rail, and airport infrastructure, and reinvigorating people-to-people exchanges. Conclusion India must find its prism to view its South Asian neighbourhood having a shared future and acting as a force-multiplier for India’s ambitions on the global stage.

  • After U.S., Russia pulls out of Open Skies treaty 

The pact allowed unarmed surveillance Russia announced on Friday it was pulling out of the Open Skies treaty, saying that the pact, which allows unarmed surveillance flights over member countries, had been seriously compromised by the withdrawal of the United States. The move, announced by Russia’s Foreign Ministry, comes days before U.S. President-elect Joe Biden’s January 20 inauguration amid fears of a burgeoning arms race. Moscow’s last major nuclear arms pact with Washington is set to expire next month. The United States left the Open Skies arms control and verification treaty in November, accusing Russia of violating it, something Moscow denied. Russia said in a statement that Moscow had made specific proposals to other members to mitigate against the impact of the U.S. exit but that those proposals were not backed by Washington’s allies. Moscow will formally notify other member states about its exit once it has completed unspecified withdrawal procedures at home, it said. The exit process usually takes months to be finalised. Sharing of intelligence Russia has raised concerns that despite leaving the treaty Washington could potentially retain access to overflight intelligence gathered by allies who remain members in the treaty. The Kommersant newspaper reported earlier that Moscow had tried to get guarantees from other countries that they would not share such intelligence with the U.S. but had not been given any assurances. Arms control tensions have been rising between Moscow and Washington and New START, their last remaining major nuclear arms control treaty, is set to expire in February. Mr. Biden has said he’s keen to renew it but it remains unclear for how long.

  •  EXPLAINED - Indian Foreign Policy In 2021 

 Like any other country, India’s foreign policy envisages to widen its sphere of influence, enhance its role across nations, and make its presence felt like an emerging power. The year 2021 presents a bunch of challenges and opportunities in pursuit of fulfilling foreign policy objectives. For instance, the rise of China and its influence in India’s neighbourhood is a cause of worry for India. Moreover, concluding the negotiations for an EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment debunks the myth of Chinese isolation after Covid-19 pandemic and further strengthened China’s position. Moreover, India’s foreign policy decisions like growing convergence with the US have led to weakening its links with traditional friends like Russia and Iran. Therefore, in shifting the balance of power in the region, India needs to tackle foreign policy challenges and leverage opportunities carefully. Challenges in Front of India ▪ A Stronger China: China is the only major country that had a positive growth rate at the end of 2020, and its economy is poised to grow even faster in 2021. o Militarily, China has further strengthened itself and now seeks to dominate the Indo-Pacific Ocean with its announcement of its third aircraft carrier’s launch in 2021. o In this context, any breakthrough in Sino-Indian relations is unlikely to occur, and the confrontation between Indian and Chinese armed forces is expected to continue. ▪ Growing Russia-China Axis: Russia is beginning to display more significant interest in its periphery’s affairs. Moreover, the sanctions imposed on Russia after Crimea's annexation in 2014 has pushed Russia towards a tighter embrace of China. o This seems to signal reduced interest in countries such as India. o Also, India’s closeness to the U.S. has weakened its links with traditional friends such as Russia and Iran. ▪ Changing Middle East Equations: The US-brokered rapprochement between Israel and four Arab countries — the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan — reflected the changing landscape in the region. o However, despite the hype surrounding Abraham Accords, the situation remains fluid and has not reduced the risk of a confrontation between Iran and Israel. o Given the region’s strategic flux, Iran could well be tempted to use its nuclear capability to enhance its position.    Page 27 of 49 o This does pose problems for India since both have relations with it. ▪ Self-Imposed Isolation of India: Currently, India remains isolated from two important supranational bodies of which it used to be a founding member, viz., the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). o Moreover, India has opted out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). o This self-imposed isolation doesn’t synergise with India’s aspiration of becoming a global power. ▪ Weakening Ties with Neighbors: A more worrying concern for Indian foreign policy is weakening ties with the neighbours. o This can be seen from instances like China’s Cheque Book Diplomacy vis-a-vis Srilanka, strain in relation with Bangladesh on NRC issue and recent border controversy with Nepal due to the release of the new map. Way Forward ▪ Neighbourhood First: Through a series of diplomatic efforts, India should make valiant efforts to improve relations with some of its neighbours such as Bangladesh, Myanmar and Sri Lanka, o In this context, as the world emerges from the pandemic, India has a lot to gain from what could be “vaccine diplomacy” with neighbours in 2021 — supplying vaccines either free or at affordable costs. ▪ External Aid in Adequate Measure: The current standoff with China has reinforced JL Nehru’s belief in 1963 that India needs “external aid in adequate measure”. o In this context, India will need continuing support from the US, Japan, Australia, besides European leaders such as France, Germany and the UK. o India should appreciate European entry into Indo-pacific narrative, as already, France and Germany have come up with their Indo-Pacific strategy. ▪ India at UNSC High Table: As India enters the UN Security Council as a non-permanent member for the eighth time, India should raise all-important global matters like China’s aggressiveness— from Tibet to Taiwan, Iran-Saudi rivalry, refugee crisis between Bangladesh and Myanmar, etc. o India should refrain from a limited focus on isolating Pakistan, as it would distract from India’s aspirations of being a global leader. ▪ Engaging With US: As the future of Quad and the Indo-Pacific strategy relies on the new US administration, India will need to build on its deepening strategic and defence ties with the US and resolve trade and visa issues. Conclusion In the light of the changing actualities of the international situation, India must cautiously play foreign policy, if it wants to emerge as a global rather than an aspirational player.

  •  EXPLAINED - Political Crisis in Nepal

  Recently, Nepal has drifted into a political crisis following its Prime Minister (PM) KP Sharma Oli’s decision to dissolve Parliament. The Nepalese PM has stated that this decision was on the backdrop of infighting within the ruling Nepalese Communist Party (NCP). As India’s role in the mediation of earlier political crises in Nepal has led to the development of anti-Indian sentiment in Nepal, India has done right by not meddling into Nepal’s internal matters. However, India is apprehensive that political instability in Nepal will expand space for China to intervene in Nepali politics and shape a government that is favourable to China. To counter Chinese influence on Nepal, India must pay attention to Nepal’s core economic and strategic interests that in the first place pushed Nepal towards China. Current Issues in India-Nepal Relations Revision of 1950 Treaty: Nepal has asked for a revision of the 1950 treaty, and India has accepted this. o However, the issue remains stuck because Nepal does not clarify how to strike a proper balance between India’s security concerns and Nepal’s developmental aspirations. Recent Border Issue: The Kalapani border dispute’s question has spoiled popular perceptions in Nepal about India. o Taking advantage of this, Nepal’s current leadership has taken a unilateral decision to draw new maps which show Kalapani, Lipulekh, and Limpiyadhura belongs to Nepal. o As India also claims these positions, this border issue has led to the lowest point in India-Nepal relations history.    Page 21 of 49 Tug of War Between China & India: Nepal’s geo-strategic location (sandwiched between India & China), has created a tug of war between India and China over Nepal. o China sees Nepal as a bulwark against the international movement targeting China. o For India, Nepal is essential for the region's security, acting as a buffer state. Increasing Chinese Influence: Sino-Nepali economic ties began to grow in 2015, but in 2018, China’s influence in Nepal started to gather momentum. o Having played an essential role in the NCP’s formation, China came to wield enormous influence over the NCP government. o It resulted in China ousting India as Nepal’s number one investor. o More importantly, Nepal’s foreign policy under the NCP government became strongly pro-China. o Moreover, this influence can be evidenced by the fact that China has now stepped up its self-assumed role as mediator in the ongoing crisis. Way Forward Seeking a friendly regime in the neighbourhood is a recognised norm in the realist world of international relations. India is no exception. Therefore, India should recalibrate its ties with Nepal. In this context: Demarking Red Lines: India can improve ties with Nepal by picking up pending controversial issues such as the 1950 treaty, the Kalapani border dispute, and trade and investment matters. o However, India should categorically state its position, drawing red lines (security concerns emanating from China) that Nepal should not cross. Economic Measures: On trade and investment issues, India needs to be more accommodative. Nepal sells less than $1billion worth of products to India while importing nearly $8 billion. o Even though economies govern trade deficits, India can and must move to remove structural and procedural impediments to the entry of genuine Nepali goods into Indian markets. Also, India should encourage Indian investments in such industries, including hydropower production, to boost Nepali exports. o Completing big development projects such as the Pancheshwar multipurpose project could also be a breakthrough between the two countries. Cooperation between Armies: When it comes to resolving border disputes between the two countries, understanding the armies is vital. o In 2015, when India’s economic blockade and the political leadership of both countries were at loggerheads, both armies’ leadership played a vital role in lifting the talks’ blockade and resumption. o So, robust army diplomacy between the two countries can substantially contribute to improving bilateral ties. Conclusion As no significant development in bilateral relations appears likely during the prevailing uncertainty, India must encourage consolidation of a people-driven polity, and improve its popular profile. This will only help India reclaim its contested strategic space. Labour codes may be implemented before April 1 Several union’s boycotted consultations on framing of rules

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